Thursday, 26 February 2015

Chatham Shame: Protesters know not what they are (doing) protesting for

It was a reflection of what an average Nigerians are up to with the shame that was displayed today at the chatham house by the hire protesters who know nothing about what they are asked to do. Sit Back and WATCH!

Nigerians Commend Buhari Full Speech At the Chatham House

Gen.Muhammahu Buhari Full Speech at the Royal Institute of International Affairs, CHATHAM HOUSE, London, United Kingdom, February 26, 2015.
"Prospects for Democratic Consolidation in Africa: Nigeria’s Transition" - By General Muhammadu Buhari.
Kindly take an intelligent listen, or better put, have a right-minded read: CHANGE is assuredly here:
Permit me to start by thanking Chatham House for the invitation to talk about this important topic at this crucial time. The 2015 general election in Nigeria is generating a lot of interests within and outside the country. This is understandable. Nigeria, Africa’s most populous country and largest economy, is at a defining moment, a moment that has great implications beyond the democratic project and beyond the borders of my dear country.
So let me say upfront that the global interest in Nigeria’s landmark election is not misplaced at all and indeed should be commended, for this is an election that has serious import for the world. I urge the international community to continue to focus on Nigeria at this very critical moment. Given increasing global linkages, it is in our collective interests that the postponed elections should hold on the rescheduled dates, that they should be free and fair, that their outcomes should be respected by all parties, and that any form of extension, under whichever guise, is unconstitutional and would not be tolerated.
With the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, the dissolution of the USSR in 1991, the collapse of communism and the end of the Cold War, democracy became the dominant and most preferred system of government across the globe. That global transition has been aptly captured as the triumph of democracy and the ‘most pre-eminent political idea of our time.’ On a personal note, the phased end of the USSR was a turning point for me. If you will, that was my own road to Damascus experience. It convinced me that change can be brought about without firing a single shot. As you all know, I had been a military head of state in Nigeria for twenty months. We intervened because we were unhappy with the state of affairs in our country.
We wanted to arrest the drift. Driven by patriotism, influenced by the prevalence and popularity of such drastic measures all over Africa and elsewhere, we fought our way to power. But the global triumph of democracy has shown that another, and a preferable, path to change is possible. It is an important lesson I have carried with me since, and a lesson that is not lost on the African continent.
In the last two decades, democracy has grown strong roots in Africa. Elections, once so rare, are now so commonplace. As at the time I was a military head of state between 1983 and 1985, only four African countries held regular multi-party elections. But the number of electoral democracies in Africa, according to Freedom House, jumped to 10 in 1992/1993 then to 18 in 1994/1995 and to 24 in 2005/2006.
According to the New York Times, 42 of the 48 countries in Sub-Sahara Africa conducted multi-party elections between 1990 and 2002. The newspaper also reported that between 2000 and 2002, ruling parties in four African countries (Senegal, Mauritius, Ghana and Mali) peacefully handed over power to victorious opposition parties. In addition, the proportion of African countries categorized as not free by Freedom House declined from 59% in 1983 to 35% in 2003. Without doubt, Africa has been part of the current global wave of democratisation.
But the growth of democracy on the continent has been uneven. According to Freedom House, the number of electoral democracies in Africa slipped from 24 in 2007/2008 to 19 in 2011/2012; while the percentage of countries categorised as ‘not free’ increased from 35% in 2003 to 41% in 2013. Also, there have been some reversals at different times in Burkina Faso, Central African Republic, Cote D’Ivoire, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Lesotho, Mali, Madagascar, Mauritania and Togo.
While we can choose to look at the glass of democracy in Africa as either half full or half empty. While you can’t have representative democracy without elections, it is equally important to look at the quality of the elections and to remember that mere elections do not democracy make. It is globally agreed that democracy is not an event, but a journey. And that the destination of that journey is democratic consolidation—that state where democracy has become so rooted and so routine and widely accepted by all actors.
With this important destination in mind, it is clear that though many African countries now hold regular elections, very few of them have consolidated the practice of democracy. It is important to also state at this point that just as with elections, a consolidated democracy cannot be an end by itself. I will argue that it is not enough to hold series of elections or even to peacefully alternate power among parties.
It is much more important that the promise of democracy goes beyond just allowing people to freely choose their leaders. It is much more important that democracy should deliver on the promise of choice, of freedoms, of security of lives and property, of transparency and accountability, of rule of law, of good governance and of shared prosperity. It is very important that the promise embedded in the concept of democracy, the promise of a better life for the generality of the people, is not delivered in the breach.
Now, let me quickly turn to Nigeria. As you all know, Nigeria’s fourth republic is in its 16th year and this general election will be the fifth in a row. This is a major sign of progress for us, given that our first republic lasted five years and three months, the second republic ended after four years and two months and the third republic was a still-birth. However, longevity is not the only reason why everyone is so interested in this election.
The major difference this time around is that for the very first time since transition to civil rule in 1999, the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) is facing its stiffest opposition so far from our party the All Progressives Congress (APC). We once had about 50 political parties, but with no real competition. Now Nigeria is transiting from a dominant party system to a competitive electoral polity, which is a major marker on the road to democratic consolidation. As you know, peaceful alternation of power through competitive elections have happened in Ghana, Senegal, Malawi and Mauritius in recent times.
The prospects of democratic consolidation in Africa will be further brightened when that eventually happens in Nigeria.
But there are other reasons why Nigerians and the whole world are intensely focussed on this year’s elections, chief of which is that the elections are holding in the shadow of huge security, economic and social uncertainties in Africa’s most populous country and largest economy.
On insecurity, there is a genuine cause for worry, both within and outside Nigeria. Apart from the civil war era, at no other time in our history has Nigeria been this insecure. Boko Haram has sadly put Nigeria on the terrorism map, killing more than 13,000 of our nationals, displacing millions internally and externally, and at a time holding on to portions of our territory the size of Belgium. What has been consistently lacking is the required leadership in our battle against insurgency.
I, as a retired general and a former head of state, have always known about our soldiers: they are capable, well trained, patriotic, brave and always ready to do their duty in the service of our country. You all can bear witness to the gallant role of our military in Burma, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Sierra Leone, Liberia, Darfur and in many other peacekeeping operations in several parts of the world. But in the matter of this insurgency, our soldiers have neither received the necessary support nor the required incentives to tackle this problem. The government has also failed in any effort towards a multi-dimensional response to this problem leading to a situation in which we have now become dependent on our neighbours coming to our rescue.
Let me assure you that if I am elected president, the world will have no cause to worry about Nigeria as it has had to recently, that Nigeria will return to its stabilising role in West Africa, and that no inch of Nigerian territory will ever be lost to the enemy because we will pay special attention to the welfare of our soldiers in and out of service, we will give them adequate and modern arms and ammunitions to work with, we will improve intelligence gathering to choke Boko Haram's financial and equipment channels, we will be tough on terrorism and tough on its root causes by initiating a comprehensive economic development plan promoting infrastructural development, job creation, agriculture and industry in the affected areas.
We will always act on time and not allow problems to irresponsibly fester, and I, General Muhammadu Buhari, will always lead from the front and return Nigeria to its leadership role in regional and international efforts to combat terrorism.
On the economy, the fall in prices of oil has brought our economic and social stress into full relief. After the rebasing exercise in April 2014, Nigeria overtook South Africa as Africa’s largest economy. Our GDP is now valued at $510 billion and our economy rated 26th in the world. Also on the bright side, inflation has been kept at single digit for a while and our economy has grown at an average of 7% for about a decade. But it is more of paper growth, a growth that, on account of mismanagement, profligacy and corruption, has not translated to human development or shared prosperity. A development economist once said three questions should be asked about a country’s development: one, what is happening to poverty? Two, what is happening to unemployment? And three, what is happening to inequality?
The answers to these questions in Nigeria show that the current administration has created two economies in one country, a sorry tale of two nations: one economy for a few who have so much in their tiny island of prosperity; and the other economy for the many who have so little in their vast ocean of misery. Even by official figures, 33.1% of Nigerians live in extreme poverty. That’s at almost 60 million, almost the population of the United Kingdom. There is also the unemployment crisis simmering beneath the surface, ready to explode at the slightest stress, with officially 23.9% of our adult population and almost 60% of our youth unemployed. We also have one of the highest rates of inequalities in the world. With all these, it is not surprising that our performance on most governance and development indicators (like Mo Ibrahim Index on African Governance and UNDP’s Human Development Index.) are unflattering. With fall in the prices of oil, which accounts for more than 70% of government revenues, and lack of savings from more than a decade of oil boom, the poor will be disproportionately impacted.
In the face of dwindling revenues, a good place to start the repositioning of Nigeria's economy is to swiftly tackle two ills that have ballooned under the present administration: waste and corruption. And in doing this, I will, if elected, lead the way, with the force of personal example.
On corruption, there will be no confusion as to where I stand. Corruption will have no place and the corrupt will not be appointed into my administration. First and foremost, we will plug the holes in the budgetary process. Revenue producing entities such as NNPC and Customs and Excise will have one set of books only. Their revenues will be publicly disclosed and regularly audited. The institutions of state dedicated to fighting corruption will be given independence and prosecutorial authority without political interference. But I must emphasise that any war waged on corruption should not be misconstrued as settling old scores or a witch-hunt. I'm running for President to lead Nigeria to prosperity and not adversity.
In reforming the economy, we will use savings that arise from blocking these leakages and the proceeds recovered from corruption to fund our party’s social investments programmes in education, health, and safety nets such as free school meals for children, emergency public works for unemployed youth and pensions for the elderly. As a progressive party, we must reform our political economy to unleash the pent-up ingenuity and productivity of the Nigerian people thus freeing them from the indignities of poverty.
We will run a private sector-led economy but maintain an active role for government through strong regulatory oversight and deliberate interventions and incentives to diversify the base of our economy, strengthen productive sectors, improve the productive capacities of our people and create jobs for our teeming youths. In short, we will run a functional economy driven by a worldview that sees growth not as an end by itself, but as a tool to create a society that works for all, rich and poor alike. On March 28, Nigeria has a decision to make. To vote for the continuity of failure or to elect progressive change. I believe the people will choose wisely.
In sum, I think that given its strategic importance, Nigeria can trigger a wave of democratic consolidation in Africa. But as a starting point we need to get this critical election right by ensuring that they go ahead and depriving those who want to scuttle it the benefit of derailing our fledgling democracy. That way, we will all see democracy and democratic consolidation as tools for solving pressing problems in a sustainable way, not as ends in themselves.
Permit me to close this discussion on a personal note. I have heard and read references to me as a former dictator in many respected British newspapers including the well regarded Economist. Let me say without sounding defensive that dictatorship goes with military rule, though some might be less dictatorial than others.
I take responsibility for whatever happened under my watch. I cannot change the past. But I can change the present and the future. So before you is a former military ruler and a converted democrat who is ready to operate under democratic norms and is subjecting himself to the rigours of democratic elections for the fourth time.
You may ask: why is he doing this? This is a question I ask myself all the time too. And here is my humble answer: because the work of making Nigeria great is not yet done, because I still believe that change is possible, this time through the ballot, and most importantly, because I still have the capacity and the passion to dream and work for a Nigeria that will be respected again in the comity of nations and that all Nigerians will be proud of.
I thank you for listening.
Gen.Muhammadu Buhari.

Below is one of my friends verdict:

My Friend Verdict:
Sir, for always, you have my most reserved and well-considered respect. If wishes were Horses, even the present incumbent would ride, but it is not given to all to deliver a World-Class speech. A man is condemned by nature, from giving what he does not have. Sir, you have it, you once gave it, you are always giving it, and you are giving it again, not just at home, but before watching and right-thinking International community. Sir, we celebrate you, we celebrate NIGERIA, and we celebrate CHANGE that for this time around, Nigeria has the right President.
Please enjoy your weekend Sir, and have some more good rest in the UK, while the mediocres in the Presidential Villa knock their heads some more against the walls where they are currently trapped. Our People have summed it all up when the said, "He who thinks he is leading and has no one following him is only taking a stroll". General Sir, while you receive my salute, know that you are leading, and millions of Nigerians are right behind you matching your steps of integrity and forthrightness by following; the current Office holder can enjoy his stroll, while bemoaning the end of his 6years travel with the retinue of Oil thieves in his government. CHANGE has come, CHANGE is here and the revered General from Daura has our vote

Monday, 23 February 2015

Babalakin acquitted of N4.7 billion fraud charge

A Lagos High Court sitting in Ikeja has discharged and acquitted Wale Babalakin, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria, over a N4.7 billion fraud suit instituted by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission.
The EFCC had charged Mr. Babalakin, Alex Okoh, and their companies on a 27-count charge of fraud, conspiracy, and retention of proceeds of criminal conduct.
Delivering his ruling, Justice Lateef Lawal-Akapo said the EFCC failed to disclose enough information to sustain the allegations against the defendants.
“The amended information filed May 7, 2013, is incurably bad and ineffective,” the judge held.

Thursday, 19 February 2015

At Last Obanikoro Admits He Was Present At Ekiti Rigging Meeting

Contrary to his earlier denials, the embattled ministerial nominee, Musiliu Obanikoro, has confessed to several Senators in Abuja that he did participate in an election-eve meeting in Ekiti in June 2014 in which a group of politicians and government ministers met with a Nigerian army general to rig the governorship election in favor of Ayodele Fayose, the candidate of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP).
The meeting, which is now known as “Ekitigate”, was secretly taped by an army captain who was subsequently forced to flee for his life.

Despite the scandal, President Jonathan went ahead to nominate Obanikoro into his cabinet for the second time, and the nominee is lobbying the Senators to give him a pass during his upcoming nomination hearing.  It is in the process that he has confessed to some of them that he was indeed present at the rigging meeting in Akure, on behalf of the President, to ensure that everything went smoothly.
Obanikoro’s story is that he was simply making “peace” between the army and Ayo Fayose at the meeting, claiming that he was not party to any conversation about rigging.  On the contrary, Obanikoro, who was at the time junior Minister for Defence, is overheard clearly on the tape bragging about the authority granted him by President Jonathan.
Prior to admitting his involvement to the Senators, the former minister met with President Jonathan to discuss the tape and his role. A presidency source said Obanikoro told President Jonathan he was present at the meeting but that a part of the audio-recording was “doctored”.
They said President Jonathan had called him to the meeting to discuss how to mitigate the damage created by the leaked tape.  He told the Senators categorically that it was Jonathan himself who had sent him to Ekiti to help Fayose win the election.  On the tape, Obanikoro says, at least twice, that he is on a “mission” for the President.
He also reportedly told President Jonathan at their meeting that he had asked his US-based lawyers to do a separate voice analysis of the tape and that the lawyers came back with “proof” that certain aspects of the tape had been doctored by SaharaReporters to make the regime look bad.  Counting on that assurance, President Jonathan told a team of reporters from the Wall Street Journal during an interview that the tapes were not real and that he would not investigate the incident.
Obanikoro also told President Jonathan that his US-based lawyers had assured him that they could file some cases against SaharaReporters in the US to “teach SaharaReporters and its publisher, Omoyele Sowore” a lesson. He explained to the president that with enough financial support, his lawyers would file the case and also employ private detectives to take down SaharaReporters. President Jonathan reportedly nodded at the idea, and asked Obanikoro not to worry.
Following that meeting, the former Minister began a series of legal threats last week claiming to have sued SaharaReporters, as well as The Punch newspaper and Premium Times, both in Lagos.  Up until now, those newspapers are yet to be served copies of the lawsuit.
On Tuesday night, Obanikoro, who is also a US citizen, assured some of the Senators that his US lawyers had already filed the libel suit against SaharaReporters in New York.
On Wednesday, Obanikoro deployed a small rented a crowd of protesters to hold placards in front of the National Assembly to denounce the All Progressives Congress.
It is to be noted that two other key participants at the meeting, Police Minister Jelili Adesiyan and Ayo Fayose, the beneficiary of the Ekiti governorship rigging, have admitted that they were at the meeting that was taped by the army captain.

For Obanikoro’s role in the rigging of the election, APC has advocated his being banned from holding any public office, and asked the Senate not to confirm him.  Mr. Jonathan is known to have re-nominated Obanikoro as his prize for stepping down from the PDP governorship race in Lagos.

Who knows maybe PDP need him again to do their dirty job, who knows? Only time will tell.

I can’t guarantee elections will hold March 28, Jega tells senators

The Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, Attahiru Jega, has told Nigerian federal lawmakers he could not guarantee the 2015 general elections will hold on rescheduled dates in March and April.
At a meeting with Senators Wednesday, Mr. Jega said he could not commit himself to the “sanctity” of March 28 and April 11 – dates for the rescheduled Nigeria’s general elections.
He said the electoral commission could not guarantee aspects of the poll that are beyond its control.
Mr. Jega met with the lawmakers to review the decision to postpone the polls from February.
Under the Nigerian law, a further six-week extension of the elections is possible, a prospect opposed by many Nigerians, the main opposition All Progressives Congress, APC, and the international community.
INEC had said the postponement were necessary for security reasons, as military chiefs had warned against going on with the vote to allow it focus on fighting the terror group, Boko Haram.
But the APC said the delay was instigated by President Goodluck Jonathan, to save him and ruling party from losing the elections to the APC candidate, Muhammadu Buhari.
Since announcing the new dates nearly two weeks ago, the commission has declined to clearly confirm that there will be no further delay beyond March 28 and April 11, for presidential, National Assembly, governorship and state assembly polls.
Responding to a question by George Akume, Senate Minority Leader, on the sanctity of the new dates, on Wednesday, Mr. Jega said it was difficult for him to respond, saying he could only give assurances over aspects within the control of INEC.
“That’s a very difficult question to answer. I have said not everything that has to do with the conduct of successful election is within the control of INEC,” Mr. Jega said.

Use of card readers
Mr. Jega also said the commission will go forward with its plan to deploy card readers for the elections.
There have been some concerns, mainly from the ruling Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, about the plan as Nigerian law prohibits electronic voting.
On Wednesday, while PDP Senators opposed the plan, their APC counterparts welcomed it.
Heineken Lokpobri, a PDP Senator from Bayelsa State and Odion Ugbesa, from Edo State, argued against the use of card readers for the elections, saying it would be illegal.
In his response, Mr. Jega said card readers would only be used for accreditation not actual voting.
He said there was no law forbidding the use of electronic devices for accreditation.
“Card reader is used for accreditation not voting. Voting his defined as dropping of ballot paper into ballot box. Accreditation is essential for integrity of the election,” he said.
“Nothing in the constitution says we should not use electronic device in the process of accreditation. Anybody that is not satisfied can go to court. We have solid ground on that,” he said.
He added that the card readers would curb electoral malpractices, as cloned cards would be detected.
Mr. Jega said INEC will perform a mock test on the card readers.
He said some tests had already been taken in the United States, and will now be tested in the six geopolitical zones.
“The card reader has passed in all the 13 test categories conducted in terms of its durability and versatility,” he said.
Mr. Jega said the postponement of the general elections will enable INEC to have a flawless, near-perfect elections.
INEC National Commissioners are to visit state offices to conduct evaluation and comprehensively determine the level of preparation in the election.
He said after the visit, the commission will meet with the heads of departments and directorates of units to conduct a comprehensive assessment, to figure out additional things to be done before March 28.
Mr Jega said a meeting with the inter-agency committee on security will hold a meeting to discuss security on the Election Day.

Wednesday, 18 February 2015

Reno Omokri reply critics in style (tweets)

After rumours making the rounds on social media that he has been sacked from the position as Special Assistant to the President on New media, Reno Omokri, has issued a biblical response to his supposed ‘enemies’.
Presidential spokesperson, Reuben Abati, had on Tuesday, February 17, confirmed the replacement of Omokri with entertainment mogul, Obi Asika, who is expected to take charge of the president’s social media coverage.
After the announcement, Omokri came under a barrage of attacks from antagonists and he just couldn’t help but respond.
With a couple of bible verses, Omokri answered his critics. He wrote: “I read Proverbs 24:17-18 and I just love my enemies with a passion. Where would I be without them?”
The second tweet said: “Why do the heathen rage, and the people imagine a vain thing?-Psalm 2:1.”

Who is more intelligent? Buhari or Jonathan? Take a look at this...

APC presidential candidate, Gen. Muhammadu Buhari (rtd.) was on Christiane Amanpour’s CNN show about the time President Goodluck Jonathan was having a chat with journalists at a special media meeting in Abuja.
Buhari spoke about the ongoing political situation, his thoughts about Obasanjo’s endorsement and how he’ll fight corruption and Boko Haram if he becomes president.
Here’s a full transcript of the interview:
Amanpour: General, welcome to the programme.
Can I ask you first your reaction to the delay in this election by six weeks and to what you just heard President Jonathan say that they will make inroads into much more security within the next six weeks?
Buhari: Well, my reaction is that of disappointment, because the presentation made by INEC was that they were ready to conduct the election on the date they fixed a year ago, and for them to be forced virtually by the military that they cannot guarantee the safety of their workers, they have to concede to the demand of the military [for an] additional six weeks.
Now since those six weeks are within the constitutional time allowed, this was why we came and asked our supporters to remain calm and resolute and obey the laws.
Amanpour: Okay General, let me ask you because you’re a former military general: You were ruling the country briefly. Why is it that the Nigerian military today cannot take on Boko Haram and have failed to combat that terrorist organisation?
Buhari: Well this has been made much more clear when the National Assembly attempted to conduct a hearing after the soldiers were giving interviews to foreign media about being sent to the front without proper weapons. The National Assembly attempted to conduct a hearing by getting the budgets approved by the National Assembly over the last three years and inviting the service chiefs to come and tell them [why the] weapons were not procured and sent to the soldiers — and competent leadership. And that hearing was scuttled.
So in short, it’s the misapplication or misappropriation of the resources provided by the government for weapons. That’s why the Nigerian military was unable to defeat Boko Haram.
Amanpour: General, you today just got a huge endorsement from a former ally of President Jonathan. That is the former president Obasanjo. How do you react to that, I mean what would that do for your campaign?
Buhari: Well it would certainly bring more supporters to us and more confidence again to us from those who were sitting on the fence, because General Obasanjo is highly respected and as far as Nigerians [issues are] concerned, there’s no serious issue that can be discussed without people seeking for his opinion and listening to it.
Amanpour: Can I now ask you about yourself because headlines around the world are portraying this election as a choice between a failed president and a former dictator — and you’re the former dictator according to these headlines.
You know, people say — and they remember — that you expelled 700,00 migrants years ago thinking that would create jobs, that you’ve banned political meetings and free speech, that you’ve detained thousands of people, secret tribunals, executing people for crimes that were not capital offences. Have you changed or is this what the Nigerian people have to look forward to?
Buhari: Well all those things you mentioned, with a degree of accuracy of actually what happened, was then under a military administration, and when that military adminstration came under my leadership, we — the military — suspended the part of the constitution that we felt would be difficult for us to operate under those circumstances. So I think I’m being judged harshly as an individual that what happened during the military administration can be extended under a multiparty democracy system.
Amanpour: Okay so now you say you’re a democrat. What do you think you can do to combat Boko Haram and to combat the galloping corruption in your country?
Buhari: Well, Boko Haram, we know how it started. Certainly the Nigerian military that built our reputation internationally for effectiveness, it’s a great embarrassment to them and to the country that they haven’t been able to secure [Nigeria’s] territory of an area of 14 local governments out of 774 local governments.
I believed this problem will not be too difficult for [our] APC government because we know the Nigerian military is competent. It’s a question of making sure the money voted for equipment and training [is] properly utilised.
Amanpour: About corruption, there’s so many complaints from many people around your country about massive corruption they say. Can you face up against them? Are you committed to rooting out corruption?
Buhari: We have to, because there are serious citizens of this country that say unless Nigeria kills corruption, corruption will kill Nigeria. And that’s best illustrated by another hearing conducted by the National Assembly on pension fund, electricity and then the corruption in the petroleum industry from where the country derives over 90% in external revenue.
The National Assembly conducted a hearing here in Abuja and in the six geopolitical zones of the country, then they took the recommendation to the executive. And it’s been collecting dust for the past 18 months.
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