Thursday, 10 March 2016

Falana condemn NNPC unbundling

The Senior Advocate of Nigeria, Femi Falana (SAN) condemned the unbundling of the NNPC. Falana said in a statement on Thursday, “It is pertinent to point out that the reforms being carried out by the NNPC GMD are illegal in every material particular. Section 2 of the Nigerian National Petroleum Act stipulates that the affairs of the corporation shall be conducted by the Board of Directors of the body. To that extent, it is the board of the corporation that is saddled with the responsibility to carry out the reorganisation of the body.
“The board of the NNPC shall consist of the Minister of Petroleum Resources; Permanent Secretary, Federal Ministry of Finance; the managing director of the corporation and three other persons appointed by the President. The minister shall be the chair of the board. By virtue of Section 3 of the Act, the managing director of the NNPC shall be the chief executive and shall be responsible for the execution of the policy of the corporation and the day-to -day running of its activities.”
According to him, since the board has not been reconstituted by President Muhammadu Buhari, the minister has usurped its functions and has been running the affairs of the NNPC like a sole administrator, adding that the combination of the posts of GMD of the NNPC and minister of state had compounded the illegality.
Falana stated, “It is an anomalous situation whereby the minister, as the chairman of the NNPC board, is supervising his own activities as the GMD of the NNPC. Whereas the GMD is required to carry out the decisions of the board chaired by the minister, Dr. Kachukwu has become the executor and regulator of the affairs of the corporation. The Federal Government should take advantage of this crisis to put an end to the incongruity.
“In the same vein, the body established by the Petroleum Products Pricing Regulatory Agency Act to regulate the supply and distribution of petroleum products in the country is equally run by a sole administrator contrary to the provisions of the enabling law.
“Whereas the agency shall have a board of 26 members, including the representatives of the Nigeria Labour Congress, Trade Union Congress and the trade unions in the oil and gas industry, the body is run singlehandedly by the executive secretary. Despite the several calls by the Nigeria Labour Congress and other stakeholders, the Federal Government has not deemed it fit to reconstitute the board of the PPPRA.”
The lawyer added that with the perennial fuel crisis in the country, a litre of petrol was currently selling for between N200 and N300 contrary to the official price of N86.50 fixed by the minister pursuant to section 6 of the Petroleum Act.
“In an atmosphere of impunity, petroleum products are sold even though there is the Petroleum Equalisation Fund set up under the law to reimburse marketing companies for any loss sustained by them as a result of the sale of petroleum products at uniform prices throughout the country. Apart from the occasional sealing up of a few filling stations by the Department of Petroleum Resources for selling above the official price, the Petroleum Equalisation Fund has never been cautioned by the Federal Government,” Falana said.
He asked the President to direct Kachukwu to put on hold the so called reorganisation of the NNPC with a view to presenting it to the board of the NNPC whenever it is reconstituted, and called for the separation of the posts of the GMD of NNPC and the petroleum minister as envisaged by the NNPC Act.
“Furthermore, the board of the PPPRA should be reconstituted, while the PEF should be made to discharge its statutory duty of ensuring uniformity in the prices of petroleum products throughout the country,” he stated.

DPP exonerate seven alleged killers of NURTW chief

The seven suspects – Ahmadu Kazeem, 43; Ibrahim Afolabi, 37; Lawal Lateef, 27; Anthony Qudus, 33; Adeshina Ibrahim, 28; Adebayo Ogunjimi, 25; and Animashaun Olubodun, 33 – were discharged and acquitted on Thursday.
The seven suspects arrested and arraigned before an Ebute-Meta Chief Magistrate’s Court, Lagos, in connection with the alleged killing of a leader of the National Union of Road Transport Workers on the Lagos Island, Azeez Otun, aka Ashake, and two others, have been exonerated by the Directorate of Public Prosecutions.
The DPP, in its advice, called for the arrest and prosecution of five other suspects – Kazeem Oloko, Abass Adebola, Mustapha Akindele, aka Sego, Fatal Olori, aka Agbara, and Alli Balogun.

It was gathered that Ashake, Rilwan Saka and Obabiolorunkosi Nurudeen were shot dead by some political thugs after a rally of the Peoples Democratic Party on September 20, 2014, at the Tafawa Balewa Square, Onikan.
After the alleged killing, the police arrested the seven suspects and brought them before the Chief Magistrate Afolashade Botoku-led court, which granted the remand application brought by the police, pending the advice from the DPP.
However, in absolving the suspects of the alleged murder, the DPP in its advice with reference number LJP/HOM/2016/02/13, dated February 23, 2016, and signed by one M. T. Adewoye, an Assistant Director, stated that the prosecution failed in establishing the culpability of the suspects.

Senate President, Bukola Saraki False Asset Declaration Trial Kickoff today

All is now set for the trial of the Senate President, Dr. Bukola Saraki, before the Code of Conduct Tribunal on 13 counts of alleged false assets declaration to begin today (Friday).
Saturday PUNCH had reported that the prosecution, led by Mr. Rotimi Jacobs (SAN), had proposed 13 prosecution witnesses to testify in the case.
The Supreme Court, through its judgment delivered on February 5, 2016, had paved the way for the trial to begin after dismissing the Senate President’s objection to the validity of the charges and the jurisdiction of the CCT to hear the case.
The Danladi Umar-led tribunal subsequently fixed March 10 for the commencement of the trial, but it later shifted the date to March 11, following a request by Saraki’s new lead counsel, Mr. Kanu Agabi (SAN).
According to a statement issued on March 1 by the Head, Press and Public Relations of the CCT, Mr. Ibraheem Al-hassan, Agabi pleaded with the tribunal for a shift in the trial date to enable him to attend to other urgent matters.
The CCT spokesperson said Agabi conveyed his request to the CCT in a letter dated February 26, 2016.
Saraki was arraigned on 13 counts of false assets declaration on September 22, 2015.
In the charges instituted by the Federal Government, Saraki was accused of making false assets declaration in his forms submitted to the Code of Conduct Bureau as a two-term Governor of Kwara State between 2003 and 2011.
The Senate President, who was said to have submitted four assets declaration forms investigated by the CCB, was allegedly found to have “corruptly acquired many properties while in office as the Governor of Kwara State but failed to declare some of them in the said forms earlier filled and submitted.”
He also allegedly made an anticipatory declaration of assets upon his assumption of office as governor, which he later acquired.
He was also accused of sending money abroad for the purchase of property in London and that he maintained an account outside Nigeria while serving as a governor.
Saraki initially refused to appear before the tribunal, prompting the CCT to issue a bench warrant against him.
He voluntarily submitted himself to the tribunal before the arrest warrant could be executed.
The tribunal rejected his request for the quashing of the 13 counts shortly after he was arraigned on September 22, 2015.
He appealed to the Court of Appeal, Abuja Division, against the decision of the CCT to continue the trial.
But by a two-to-one split decision of its three-man bench, led by Justice Moore Admein, the Court of Appeal dismissed the Senate President’s appeal.
Saraki, in his further appeal to the Supreme Court, asked the apex court to quash the charges filed against him, citing among his seven grounds of appeal, that the CCT lacked jurisdiction to try him as it was constituted by two instead of three members.
But a seven-man panel of the apex court presided over by the Chief Justice of Nigeria, Justice Mahmud Mohammed, unanimously ruled in its judgment on February 5 that Saraki’s appeal against the jurisdiction of the CCT and the competence of the charges lacked merit.
Justice Walter Onnoghen, who delivered the lead judgment, dismissed all of Saraki’s seven grounds of appeal, affirming that the charges instituted against him were valid and that the tribunal was validly constituted with requisite jurisdiction to try him.
The Chief Justice of Nigeria, Justice Mahmud Mohammed, and other members of the full panel of the apex court, comprising Justices Tanko Muhammad, Sylvester Ngwuta, Kudirat Kekere-Ekun, Chima Nweze and Amiru Sanusi, also consented to the judgment.
Meanwhile, Justice Abdukadir Abdu-Kafarati of a Federal High Court in Abuja, had on March 1, fixed March 22 for his judgment in a fundamental human rights enforcement suit, through which the Senate President is asking for an order to stop his trial before the CCT.
But at the hearing of the case on March 1, Jacobs, who represented the Federal Government’s agents sued as respondents to the suit, urged the court not to grant Saraki’s prayer, as that, according to him, will amount to overruling the judgment of the Supreme Court.
The Independent Corrupt Practices and other related offences Commission, represented by Mr. Suleiman Abdukareem, also adopted Jacobs’ contention in opposing the Senate President’s suit.
But Saraki’s lawyer, Mr. Ajibola Oluyede, urged the court to stop the CCT trial on the grounds that the Senate President’s right to fair hearing was breached during the investigation of the allegations leading to the charges preferred against him.
Oluyede argued that the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission usurped the powers of the Code of Conduct Bureau to investigate the details of assets declared by the Senate President and filed charges relating to the infraction discovered.

Source: The Punch

CBN Suspend Officials Over Fraudulent Activities

The Acting Director, Corporate Communications, CBN, Mr. Isaac Okorafor, stated on Thursday night that it had uncovered and aborted a highly sophisticated plot to defraud it by some criminally-minded elements.

The Central Bank of Nigeria said also it placed all key personnel involved in the transaction on suspension in order to ensure a full and unfettered investigation although it noted that preliminary investigations so far had not revealed any accomplices within the CBN.
 “This incidence has been reported to relevant authorities. The CBN wishes to assure the general public that the security of the bank remains intact.”

Lekki Gardens MD Arrested over Collapse Building

The Managing Director of Lekki Gardens, Mr. Richard Nyong, have been arrested by the Lagos State Police Command for the collapse of a five-storeyed building under construction on Kushenla Road, Ikate Elegushi, Lagos State. The collapse was said to have killed no fewer than 35 persons.
It was learnt that 34-year-old Nyong was apprehended on Thursday.
One of the contractors handling the project, Odofin Taiwo, was arrested on Wednesday.
The building had crumbled around 3am on Tuesday with several workers trapped in the rubble.

It was reported that the state government had sealed the building, which was originally designed to be a three-storeyed structure.
“In a brazen act of defiance and impunity, the owners of the building, Messrs Lekki Worldwide Estate Limited, the promoters of Lekki Gardens, criminally unsealed the property and continued building beyond the approved floors until the unfortunate incident of Tuesday which has led to loss of lives,” a statement by the Commissioner for Information and Strategy, Mr. Steve Ayorinde had read.
The Lagos State Police spokesperson, Dolapo Badmos, confirmed the arrest.
She said, “The MD, Lekki Gardens, Mr. Richard Nyong, has been arrested. He is in custody and will soon be charged to court.”

Tuesday, 13 October 2015

Strive Masiyiwa says James Ibori demanded $4.5m bribe from him to set-up Econet in Nigeria

In a series of post on corruption which Mr Strive Masiyiwa, who double as also one of my mentors shared on his Facebook wall recently, the Chairman of telecommunications company, Econet and Zimbabwe's richest man, Strive Maiyiwa, described how former Delta state governor James Ibori, who is serving jail term in the UK, allegedly demanded a $4.5 million bribe from him to set up and successful operate his business in Nigeria, promising to send him and his company parking from Nigeria if he failed to give the bribe. 

Masiyiwa in his post said Lagos and Delta state governments were co-investors when he brought the company into Nigeria. He said after he and other investors succeeded in bringing in the company into Nigeria, he was asked to pay a bribe totaling $9 million to top politicians. He also accused top politicians from Kenya, Zimbabwe, Liberia of being extremely corrupt and also demanding for bribe. He made so many accusations, your head will literally spin. Read his expository post after the cut..


Part 1
I had the privilege of making Nigeria’s first GSM phone call back in 2001 when I called the regulator to say, “We’re live!” Who would’ve believed then that Nigeria today would have more than 167 million mobile phones?!
It all started out as a very exciting new chapter for enterprise in Africa. Shortly after President Obasanjo was elected, the new government announced an incredibly transparent international auction process for three national mobile phone licenses.
To participate in the bid, you not only had to raise money, but there had to be a member of the bidding consortium who was an experienced GSM operator. Econet Wireless met the requirements because of its experience in Zimbabwe and Botswana. Our Nigerian partners, which included state governments, local banks and high net worth individuals, were financial investors. The largest shareholder had only 10%. That was the written agreement.
I managed to assemble a consortium of 22 investors to put up the money needed to bid. Our shareholders were all Nigerian, mostly institutional investors including leading banks and two state governments, Lagos State and Delta State. The license cost us $285m and was the most expensive license ever issued in Africa at the time. This was 2001.
We considered the investment not only about putting together a network, but also about building a nation. We knew it had the potential to transform Nigeria’s entire business and social architecture.
Most of our investors had between 1-10% shareholding. Econet Wireless Nigeria had only 5% of the shares, but that was fine because it was 5% ownership of a very big pie.
As the "technical partner and operator," Econet was the company with the expertise to build and operate such a business. Our financial investors recognised this, and also allowed us to receive 3% of the turnover as our fees. This was standard practice in the industry.
We were one of the winning bidders and they gave us just six months to set up business and get our network operating. We were under a lot of pressure but our network was live two days before the others! Customers were pouring in. We were number one in the market with an estimated 57% market share.
___Then came the fateful day when I was told that our company must pay a total of $9m in bribes to senior politicians (in state government) who had facilitated the raising of the money to pay for the license.
I refused to authorise the illegal payments. Meeting after meeting was held to try to get me to agree, but I would not. The money would not be paid as long as Econet was the operator and I had signing authority.
James Ibori, the Governor of Delta State, was demanding $4,5m be paid to him in his personal capacity. He was one of the most powerful men in the country and had a reputation for violence. When he heard that I was refusing to approve payment he issued an ultimatum:
___"Pay or I will chase you and your people out of the country."
I refused.
The shareholders met and voted Econet Wireless Nigeria out of management. They cancelled our management contract. James Ibori and his colleagues personally attended the meeting to remove us. After the meeting one of them (a prominent local businessman even today) came up to me and said: "Unfortunately for you, God does not have a vote."
I had to withdraw all my staff and their families: 200 people in all. We left Nigeria.
Most of our people had to be retrenched. The loss of the contract almost drove us to bankruptcy as a group.
They invited a big international operator to replace us as technical partner and operator. They changed the name of the company from Econet to V-Mobile.
Within days of their arrival, the managers of the new operator signed off the payments demanded as bribes.
Then what happened?
A few noble Nigerians had both the integrity and courage to carefully collect all the documentation on the movement of the money, and pass it all on to me.
___There’s a saying worth remembering in uncovering the trail of destruction that is corruption: “Follow the money”…
I bided my time... then I wrote a letter to the United States Department of Justice!
It was 2003.

Part 2
Nigeria has an agency known as the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC). After we had to leave the country, a few noble people at the company tipped off not only me but the EFCC about the payment of the bribes, which had by this time risen from $9m to $13,5m.
I had never actually heard about this agency myself until I got a call from the Nigerian Embassy in South Africa to say they wanted to come and see me to interview me as a witness.
A team of very senior EFCC officers came to see us in South Africa. They were solid and professional in their enquiry. It was clear they wanted to do something about it.
However, when these officers returned home to Nigeria, they got into very serious trouble. Their investigations into the irregular payments had been brought to the attention of James Ibori (Governor of Delta State)…
Soon thereafter, the most senior officer leading the investigation was demoted and sent to a remote part of the country as an ordinary policeman!
Agencies like EFCC in Nigeria sometimes have brave and gallant law enforcement officers. Unfortunately, as I observed, they’re often let down by their political bosses, and sometimes even by the courts. This can change if activism from the citizenry emerges to support their work.
___We should not only support official efforts to stop corruption but also help these agencies and organisations in their investigations. If you have relevant information about illegal activities, passing it on could make all the difference between impunity and imprisonment.
In my letter to the US Justice Department, I detailed the full history of the demands for a bribe. I had dates, times, records. I then reminded them that since the big international operator had a listing on the New York Stock Exchange, they were duty-bound to launch an enquiry. Why did I go to them?
The United States government has a law called the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act. The United Kingdom has a similar one called the British Anti-Bribery Act. Whatever you do, make sure you never fall foul of those laws because, if they ever use them to come after you, you’re a "gonner" my friends.
A few weeks later, US officials wrote back advising me that an enquiry had been launched. They contacted the big international company seeking answers to my allegations. My contacts at the company called to tell me, "All hell has broken loose at the company."
The parent company of the South African-based multinational sent external auditors and lawyers from London to Nigeria. They immediately dismissed all the senior executives sent to Nigeria to run the company, and they left in a hurry!
Although they fled the scene of the crime and returned to their country -- after admitting even to both the US Justice Department and the EFCC that the money had been paid out – the stolen funds were never returned to the Nigerian people, even to this day.
Meanwhile, the departure of the other mobile operator did not mean we could return to Nigeria. The shareholders found another operator, this time from the Middle East.
They sold this new operator the control of the company even though Econet Wireless Nigeria had the "right of first refusal" over any sale. They simply ignored that provision in our agreement. This was illegal, both according to our shareholders agreement and Nigerian Company Law. It was left for us to take up the fight in another forum, the Nigerian courts.

Part 3
The state government of Akwa Ibom held 15% of the equity in Econet Wireless Nigeria. This state was not one of the original investors but joined us later.
After five years, the governor of the state of Akwa Ibom decided to sell its stake. It had more than doubled in value in dollar terms, which meant it had been a good investment.
The state governor, an elderly gentleman called Victor Attah, sent a message through a friend that he wanted to see me in London to find out if I was interested in exercising Econet’s right to buy its shares. I agreed to meet him in London.
"I want to sell the shares to build an airport before I leave office," the governor explained.
The governor was accompanied to the meeting by a British lawyer who sat quietly taking notes. His name was Bhadresh Gohil.
With a wave of his hand, the governor said, "Mr Gohil is our legal advisor here in London. I have instructed him to handle all our negotiations with you."
The meeting did not last more than 30 minutes, as the governor was on his way to catch a flight to the U.S.
We agreed with Mr Gohil that we would meet with my own advisors a few days later to start the process.
A few days later, I went to his office with a professional banker who advised me on such transactions. We met in the lawyer's plush London offices. He was confident and smooth-spoken as he explained how much we were expected to pay. Then he explained that our money was to go to a "Special Purpose Vehicle" (SPV) before it was transferred to Nigeria. It was a sophisticated structure and he showed me a drawing of how it would work. I wrote it all down very carefully into my notebook.
___Such corporate entities as SPVs can definitely have legitimate purposes, but this one did not!
As I quizzed him about why such an unusual structure was necessary, Mr Gohil changed tact and tried to entice me with an offer I could not refuse (or so he hoped): "I'm also the advisor to the governor of Delta State, Mr James Ibori, and if you agree to pay for these shares using this structure, we will offer you shares belonging to all the state governments. In total, you can have more than 30% additional shares. It will be enough to take control of the company. My clients just want out, and they are willing to give you what you have always wanted."
I listened to him, quietly taking notes in my small notebook. I did not give away anything, but inside I was very angry. From the design of the structure, I knew immediately that it was meant to siphon off money before it reached the state governments. It was clear there was a conspiracy to steal a lot of money.
___Having already pocketed $13.5m, now the government officials could easily pocket probably another $100m through the sale process that they had developed with the help of Mr Gohil and other clever advisors in London!
When I left the meeting I immediately contacted the mutual friend who'd set up the governor's meeting. The friend was so embarrassed as I explained the corrupt structure clearly designed to steal money from the state governments. He promised to raise the issue with Governor Victor Attah. A few days later he came back and said Governor Attah had claimed ignorance about the proposal put to me by Mr Gohil. He said he would speak to Mr Gohil and tell him it had to be done properly without the structures.
We never heard from them again. Mr Gohil simply vanished. A few months later we were told that the shares had been offered to a company from the Middle East who subsequently bought them. I was not privy to how they did it except that they had violated my right to buy the shares... That is another chapter in the saga, but not for now.
Fast-forward three years, long after the sale. Our lawyers in London called me one day and asked if I could come urgently to a meeting with the Proceeds of Corruption Unit of the London Metropolitan Police: "You are not in any trouble, but I think you will find what they have to say very interesting!"
This special unit was launched by the British to investigate corruption by foreign government officials who try to launder stolen money to the U.S. and the UK.
The officers asked me to explain everything I knew about the sale of V-Mobile shares to Celtel (later Zain).
I explained the history of the entire transaction and the shareholders disputes that had led to our departure. After awhile, they asked me to focus on specific events, and, in particular, my meetings in London with the governor of Akwa Ibom, and also the meetings with Mr Gohil. It became clear to me that they had a lot of information!
"What can you tell us about this structure, using a Special Purpose Vehicle?"
I explained my understanding of it. Later on, I gave them my diary in which I had recorded the details of my meeting that day with Mr Gohil.
Below my drawing of the structure, I had written in bold letters:
"This is corrupt!!!"
Not long after my meeting with the Proceeds of Corruption Unit, Mr Gohil was arrested together with one of his partners and several others. I later learned that when the Middle Eastern company bought the shares, some of the proceeds had been diverted using the Gohil structure. Some of the money was sent to a bank in London. This large amount of money was enough to alert the British authorities that money was being laundered through their banking system.
Their investigations led them to Gohil and his associates. They raided his offices and found stashes of documents, including details of the structures. Now they were looking for witnesses to help prosecute them for corruption and money laundering.
The British authorities tried without success to get other parties, including the governor of Akwa Ibom, to come out and clear their names but they refused. Officials of President Umaru Musa Yar'Aduah's government successfully thwarted all extradition requests.
I was asked to be a witness in the trial of those who had been arrested in London. I willingly accepted. Next I will tell you about my role as a 'Witness to the Crown" on behalf of the people of Nigeria whose money had been stolen. It would be the first time that someone big went to jail (in a foreign country) for stealing money from Africans.

Saturday, 10 October 2015

Enough Of The Theatrics, Go To Court Amaechi Advises Wike

In a statement realeased by the Amaechi Media on Saturday, Amaechi berate the action of the Rivers state governor for been a comedian
Wike’s regular childish tantrums, theatrics, comedy and drama of screaming huge bogus and phantom figures of missing or stolen or misappropriated billions of naira by the Amaechi administration have become a silly and sickening distraction. Mr. Wike, since you do not know and none of your coterie of court-jesters is bold enough to tell you, we will tell you; you sound like a broken record. Our polity can certainly do without this madness.
 As we expected, the Commission of Inquiry set up by Rivers State Governor Nyesom Wike to supposedly probe the immediate past Governor, Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi did not disappoint. The panel lived up to expectations as a shambolic inquisition panel set up to indict Amaechi.
Crudely, without any sense of finesse or attempt to disguise its mission to ‘hack down Amaechi’, the panel lead by Justice Omereji did the bidding of its paymaster. As we earlier warned it turned out to be a comedy, a circus show to grab media headlines with bogus, phantom, and fabricated claims of corrupt practices by former Governor Amaechi and officials of his administration. It achieved nothing beyond political excitements, entertainment, and theatrics.
At every point during the public hearing, Justice Omereji clearly showed his bias and his determination to indict Amaechi and officials of his administration. Most times, the panel chairman simply concluded that they are corrupt, even before all the facts are made known to the panel, even before all sides have been heard. On one occasion, Omereji said he wished the panel had the powers of a court so he could lock up, perhaps for life, these so called corrupt officials.
Witnesses invited by the panel were coerced, directed, ordered and told in clear terms, sometimes with written notes from the commission staff, what not to say and what to say. The chairman of the panel prevented counsels to those invited, from asking relevant questions that are likely to deviate and detract from their pre-determined agenda and conclusion. Lawyers and witnesses invited by the panel were constantly intimidated, harassed and bullied. Witnesses were constantly bullied to toe the line of the commission pre-determined agenda and conclusion. The panel chairman was ordering witnesses not to answer questions that would expose the commission’s bias to indict Amaechi.
Indeed, the Wike panel was an inquisition against Amaechi. Wike should go to court if he has any case of alleged corrupt activities against Amaechi. His panel is not and can never be a law court.
Wike’s regular childish tantrums, theatrics, comedy and drama of screaming huge bogus and phantom figures of missing or stolen or misappropriated billions of naira by the Amaechi administration have become a silly and sickening distraction. Mr. Wike, since you do not know and none of your coterie of court-jesters is bold enough to tell you, we will tell you; you sound like a broken record. Our polity can certainly do without this madness.

CHIBUIKE ROTIMI AMAECHI MEDIA OFFICE
October 10, 2015
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